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Author Topic: Anarchist position on workplace struggles
Mick
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posted 16 December 2005 11:22 AM      Profile for Mick        Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I'd be interested in reading what people on this board think of this document.


quote:

NEFAC workplace position paper

The struggle toward libertarian communism must be brought about by the whole of the working class, the workplace and labor unions are an essential point of agitation and struggle. Anarchist-communists must organize within the ranks of labor unions, active in this struggle as both advocates of social revolution and as fellow workers in a collective battle against exploitation.

Class struggle is by no means confined to workplace. Class conflict occurs everyday in neighborhood-based battles for decent housing, the fight for welfare, the battles for access to quality education, the struggle against prisons and police brutality, in the arena of popular culture, and especially against racism, sexism, and other oppressions that stratify and divide the working class. However, as anarchist-communists, we have a particular strategic interest in workplace struggles due to the ability to directly challenge the material interests of the capitalist class

Independent rank-and-file tendencies within existing unions, coupled with workplace resistance groups, solidarity networks, and, eventually, workplace assemblies and coordinating councils, provide a glimpse at the kind of self-managed workers movement needed to not only effectively challenge the employers, but also develop the unity and revolutionary class consciousness needed to overthrow the capitalist social order.

Read more...



From: Parkdale! | Registered: Jun 2002  |  IP: Logged
Cueball
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posted 16 December 2005 11:23 AM      Profile for Cueball   Author's Homepage     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I tried but my eyes glazed over at the phrase "libertarian communism." Perhaps I am just getting old.
From: Out from under the bridge and out for a stroll | Registered: Dec 2003  |  IP: Logged
thwap
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posted 16 December 2005 11:33 AM      Profile for thwap        Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I agree that the place to attack capitalism is the workplace where the inequalities that exist there give capitalists their power to neuter our hard-won electoral democratic power.

But I think that the statement (which I only read half of) is too much too soon. And I'm not sure if I agree with all of the precepts anyway.

Next week, I'll have more time to give your post the consideration that it deserves. It is a very important post, and, I think, a contribution to the movement that we have to undertake if we're to keep humanity from destroying itself.


From: Hamilton | Registered: Feb 2004  |  IP: Logged
The Baboon
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posted 16 December 2005 06:11 PM      Profile for The Baboon        Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
Anarchism, serious anarchism, is socialist in nature. All socialism that is not authoritarian socialism is about extending the principle of democracy to the economic sphere, both in terms of establishing a planned economy and in terms of establishing workplace democracy.

I think people should read that document. It all seems like basic common sense to me.


From: Interior British Columbia | Registered: Mar 2005  |  IP: Logged
wobbly
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posted 16 December 2005 07:31 PM      Profile for wobbly     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I really, really liked it. I don't there is much new as far as content, but what is important is how these issues are tied together into a broader strategy. Much of it sums up and puts into context a lot of the activism I've been involved in over the last five or so years.

In particular their analyses of how unions operate, and their role in capitalism is pretty good, as well as outlining the forms of organization that have some potential of winning.

I think a lot of labour activists need to stop looking at the unions as they are and trying to get paid jobs in them,as this ties you to the bureacracy too strongly. Rather they should build rank and file initiatives like flying squads, and workplace resistance groups.

I also liked the mention of student-labour groups. As someone who had their start in union activism on a university campus I think it is really important to organize students around something more long term. Building class consciousness in classrooms can pay big dividends once these activists enter the workforce.

Sure it was a little dry, but it's a position paper, generally they are dry.

[ 16 December 2005: Message edited by: wobbly ]


From: edmonton | Registered: Nov 2005  |  IP: Logged
M. Spector
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posted 16 December 2005 09:01 PM      Profile for M. Spector   Author's Homepage     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
quote:
Originally posted by Mick:
I'd be interested in reading what people on this board think of this document.
As far as this document goes, it is typical of the anarcho-syndicalist project, as it has been expressed for the past hundred years. It projects the prospect of a communist revolution taking place under the leadership of a radicalized and militant trade union movement, by way of the tactic of general strike.

It is curious that the document emphatically states that "the struggle toward libertarian communism must be brought about by the whole of the working class." No explanation is given for this proposition, so I guess it must be considered self-evident that a revolution can't be made only by the most militant and best-organized sectors of the working class; the backward and unorganized elements have to take part as well. Does that mean they have a veto if they don't want to participate?

The document calls for working within the existing trade unions as well as organizing parallel workers' organizations to involve the broader working class. Though the document does not mention it, the overwhelming majority of the working class is not organized into unions, and the percentage of workers in unions is declining. In the mid-1980's 40% of workers in Canada were organized. Now just 30% are. When you remove the public sector from that statistic, it drops to a mere 18% of the private sector work force. One wonders, first, whether the non-union sectors of the working class can be organized by the anarchist movement, when the existing trade-union movement, with its vastly larger resources, has been unable to do so. One wonders, second, why the anarchist movement feels it must recapitulate from scratch the centuries-old struggle to organize the unorganized.

The document does not acknowledge the necessity of independent labour political action. Evidently, the libertarian communist revolution will take place without a political party to lead it - the workers will go on a general strike and eventually the capitalist state will just disappear and a classless society will emerge fully-formed. After all, who needs a revolutionary political party if there won't be any government left on the morning after?

No consideration is given to a transitional society between capitalism and communism, as if it were possible for a capitalist country to morph overnight into a classless communist society without similar revolutions taking place simultaneously in most of the other major capitalist societies of the world. ["Socialism in a single country" has been a non-starter ever since Stalin used the concept as an excuse to abandon revolutionary movements in other countries.] The anarchist project, of course, disdains the idea that a revolutionary society needs a state to organize it, to defend it against its enemies domestic and foreign, to regulate international trade, to plan its economy, to administer its laws, and to forge international alliances with other revolutionary societies. It is utopian to the core; no revolution has ever taken place in this manner.


From: One millihelen: The amount of beauty required to launch one ship. | Registered: Feb 2005  |  IP: Logged
sknguy
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posted 17 December 2005 01:17 AM      Profile for sknguy     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I don't think that people should presume that democracy is a saviour institution for alternative social systems. Its functioning can betray the principles which anarchism and socialism seem to strive for. Who will be there to protect the minority, or the individual, from a majority?

A society needs to keep democracy in close check. At the present its democracy which protects the system of capitalism by promoting individual needs above community needs. While it may seem good that democracy encourages the exercise of individual beliefs. One should keep in mind democracy is about competition, not coexistence.

I just want to caution that the merits of democracy need to be examined more carfully before you can trust it to champion any new social order. As for what type of system could be an alternative? That question is beyond my explorations as yet, but I do know that democracy makes me uneasy about the security of minorities.


From: Saskatchewan | Registered: Nov 2004  |  IP: Logged
robbie_dee
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posted 17 December 2005 01:45 AM      Profile for robbie_dee     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
quote:
As for what type of system could be an alternative? That question is beyond my explorations as yet, but I do know that democracy makes me uneasy about the security of minorities.

I always thought of "consensus" as the anarchist alternative to majoritarianism.


From: Iron City | Registered: Apr 2001  |  IP: Logged
ceti
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posted 17 December 2005 03:07 AM      Profile for ceti     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
That's the interesting thing about the Bolivarian project in Venezuela. There the trade unions were linked with the old corrupt parties and generally represented the most privileged workers. In a country where 80% of the population was living in desperate poverty, the marginalized sectors became the site of struggle. Thus Chavez didn't have much use at first for the unions per se, but strove to organize the unorganized and informal sectors. It is there that a new consituent power has emerged, propelling a very novel and successful revolution.

Thus whether Marxist or Anarchist, old 19th century prescriptions for revolutionary change need to be revised. They definitely need to overcome their own dogmatism, and allow for the organic evolution of struggles, rather than pulling out some sort of rigid plan for how things should work. At least they should keep away from sectarian denunciations of anything that deviates from their plan.


From: various musings before the revolution | Registered: Jan 2005  |  IP: Logged
sknguy
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posted 17 December 2005 11:28 AM      Profile for sknguy     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
I believe your right robbie_dee but their site is referring to democractic processes. Unless they're meaning consensus? Like M.Spector, I think they need to work on a few more specifics of their end goal and the process of acheiving that.
From: Saskatchewan | Registered: Nov 2004  |  IP: Logged
Cueball
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posted 17 December 2005 11:37 AM      Profile for Cueball   Author's Homepage     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
Isn't the advantage of of consesus decision making that the power imbalances iherent in all group decision making processes are manifest, as opposed to hidden within a putatively "democratic" system of rules, which theoretically protect the "rights" of the individuals being abused?

Or in other words, what is good about it, is that it is clearly not democratic, and thus it is easier to confront imbalance directly as it emerges in the discourse?

[ 17 December 2005: Message edited by: Cueball ]


From: Out from under the bridge and out for a stroll | Registered: Dec 2003  |  IP: Logged
jrootham
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posted 17 December 2005 01:11 PM      Profile for jrootham     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
quote:
It is curious that the document emphatically states that "the struggle toward libertarian communism must be brought about by the whole of the working class." No explanation is given for this proposition, so I guess it must be considered self-evident that a revolution can't be made only by the most militant and best-organized sectors of the working class; the backward and unorganized elements have to take part as well. Does that mean they have a veto if they don't want to participate?

Effectively, yes.

I think the statement is a recognition of the fact that unless the whole working class is involved there is not going to be a revolution. Sounds like a reality based politics to me.

The likelyhood of this happening under various conditions is a different discussion.


From: Toronto | Registered: Jun 2001  |  IP: Logged
M. Spector
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posted 17 December 2005 10:51 PM      Profile for M. Spector   Author's Homepage     Send New Private Message      Edit/Delete Post  Reply With Quote 
quote:
Originally posted by jrootham:
I think the statement is a recognition of the fact that unless the whole working class is involved there is not going to be a revolution. Sounds like a reality based politics to me.
I don't know how that qualifies as a reality-based "fact". It is far from obvious why there needs to be unanimity among the working class as a sine qua non of making a revolution.

In fact, history demonstrates that revolutions can be made without the unanimous participation and support of the working class. There have always been sectors of the working class that are more "advanced" and others that are more "backward", and the relationship of forces fluctuates as conditions change and events move forward.

It makes no sense to try to state categorically in advance that a revolution can't happen without 100% participation and support of the workers. For one thing, it's the kind of "rigid plan" that ceti warns about, above. For another thing, no fraction of the working class is a priori indispensable to making a revolution, and the idea that the best-laid plans of mice and anarcho-syndicalists can be vetoed by backward elements of the working class is totally without theoretical or historical foundation.


From: One millihelen: The amount of beauty required to launch one ship. | Registered: Feb 2005  |  IP: Logged

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